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Economic Development: A Definition

25 April, 2016 - 09:12

If the problems of low-income nations are pervasive, the development that helps to solve those problems must transform the very nature of their societies. The late Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter described economic development as a revolutionary process. Whereas economic growth implies quantitative change in production processes that are already familiar to the society, economic development requires qualitative change in virtually every aspect of life.

Robert Heilbroner, an economist at the New School for Social Research in New York, has argued,

Economic development is political and social change on a wrenching and tearing scale. … It is a process of institutional birth and institutional death. It is a time when power shifts, often violently and abruptly, a time when old regimes go under and new ones rise in their places. And these are not just the unpleasant side effects of development. They are part and parcel of the process, the very driving force of change itself.

Economic development transforms a nation at its core. But what, precisely, is development? Many definitions follow Heilbroner in noting the massive institutional and cultural changes economic development involves. But whatever the requirements of development, its primary characteristics are rising incomes and improving standards of living. That means output must increase—and it must increase relative to population growth. And because inequality is so serious a problem in low-income nations, development must deliver widespread improvement in living conditions. It therefore seems useful to define economic development as a process that produces sustained and widely shared gains in per capita real GDP.

In recent years, the United Nations has constructed measures incorporating dimensions of economic development that go beyond the level of per capita GDP. The Human Development Index (HDI) includes three dimensions—life expectancy, educational attainment (adult literacy and combined primary, secondary, and post-secondary enrollment), as well as purchasing-power-adjusted per capita real GDP. The Gender Development Index (GDI) uses the same variables as the HDI but adjusts them downward to take into account the extent of gender inequality. A third index, the Human Poverty Index (HPI), measures human deprivation and includes such indicators as the percentage of people expected to die before age 40, the percentage of underweight children under age 5, the percentage of adults who are illiterate, and the percentage of people who live in poverty. The number reported for the HPI shows the percentage of people in the country who suffer these deprivations.

The Table 33.2 below shows the HDI, the GDI rank, and the HPI for selected countries, by HDI rank. The HDI is constructed to have an upper limit of 1. Canada’s HDI is 0.96; the United States’ is 0.95. As the table shows, the HDIs for developing countries range from 0.87 in Argentina to 0.34 in Sierra Leone. The greater the difference between the HDI and the GDI of a country, the greater the disparity in achievement between males and females in the country. Countries can have similar HDIs but different GDIs or HPIs. By looking at a variety of measures, we come closer to examining the extent to which the gains in income growth have been shared or not.

The Human Development Index and the Gender Development Index are constructed to have an upper limit. The greater the difference between them, the greater the disparity in achievement between males and females in the country. The Human Poverty Index measures the percent of people who suffer various deprivations, such as low life expectancy, illiteracy, and poverty.

Table 33.2 Human Development Index, Gender Development Index, and Human Poverty Index

HDI rank

Country

Human Development Indox (HDI), 2005

Gender-Related Development Index (GDI) 2005, Rank

Human Poverty Index (HPI), % 2005

1

Iceland

0.968

1

NA

2

Norway

0.968

3

6.8

4

Canada

0.961

4

10.9

10

France

0.952

7

11.2

12

United States

0.951

16

15.4

24

Greece

0.926

24

NA

32

Czech Republic

0.891

29

NA

38

Argentina

0.869

36

4.1

48

Costa Rica

0.846

47

4.4

61

Saudi Arabia

0.812

70

NA

67

Russian Federation

0.802

59

NA

70

Brazil

0.8

60

9.7

78

Thailand

0.781

71

10.0

81

China

0.777

73

11.7

84

Turkey

0.775

79

9.2

90

Philippines

0.771

77

15.3

94

Iran

0.759

84

12.9

101

Jamaica

0.736

90

14.3

105

Viet Nam

0.733

91

15.2

114

Mongolia

0.7

100

NA

117

Bolivia

0.695

103

13.6

126

Morocco

0.646

112

33.4

128

India

0.619

113

31.3

135

Ghana

0.553

117

32.3

136

Pakistan

0.551

125

36.2

148

Kenya

0.521

127

30.8

154

Uganda

0.505

132

34.7

156

Senegal

0.499

135

42.9

173

Mali

0.38

151

56.4

177

Sierra Leone

0.336

157

51.7

 

Source: United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report 2007/2008 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).

KEY TAKEAWAYS

  • The World Bank classifies countries as being low-income, middle-income, or high-income. More than 80% of the world’s people live in low- and middle-income countries.
  • Among the problems facing low-income nations are low living standards, inequality, inadequate health care and education, high unemployment, and the concentration of the labor force in low-productivity agricultural work.
  • Economic development is a process that generates sustained and widely shared gains in per capita real GDP.

TRY IT!

Provided below is information about two low-income developing countries in Western Africa, Côte d’Ivoire, and Guinea. Use the information to plot their Lorenz curves for consumption, which are similar to Lorenz curves for income distribution, discussed in the chapter on inequality, poverty, and discrimination. Then, based on the material in this section, contrast the concept of economic growth, as discussed in the chapter on that topic, with the concept of economic development, the subject of this chapter. Which of the two countries do you believe fits better the definition of development? Explain.

Table 33.3
 

Average annual growth rate of GNP (%)

Average annual growth rate of GNP per capita

Percentage Share of Consumption

     

Lowest 20%

Second 20%

Third 20%

Fourth 20%

Highest 20%

Cote d’lvoire

6.9

4.2

6.8

11.2

15.8

22.2

44.1

Guinea

7.2

4.6

3.0

8.3

14.6

23.9

50.2

 

Case in Point: (Growth and Development) or (Growth or Development)?

The 1971 Nobel laureate in economics, Simon Kuznets, hypothesized that, at low levels of per capita income, increases in income would lead to increases in income inequality. The Kuznets hypothesis was later extended to include concern that early growth might not be associated with improvements in other aspects of development, such as those measured by the HDI or HPI. The rationale for growth pessimism was that the structural changes that often accompany early growth—such as rural–urban migration, occupational changes, and environmental degradation—disproportionately hurt poorer people.

The passage of time and the availability of more information on developing countries’ experiences allow us to test whether such pessimism is warranted. The results of a recent study of 95 ecade-long episodes of economic growth and decline around the world show that the distribution of income can go either way. Clearly, as the table below shows, with the direction of change in the distribution of income split almost 50-50 during periods of growth, there is no longer any reason to think that growth necessarily increases income inequality. As the table also shows, by a ratio of 7 to 1, the income of the poor usually improves during periods of growth. This means that even when inequality increases, the poor usually gain in absolute terms as income grows.

There were only seven periods of income decline included in the study, but, in general, during those periods the distribution of income grew more unequal and the incomes of the poor fell.

Broad-based measures of development, such as the HDI and the HPI, have not been calculated for a long enough period to allow us to see the trend in these social indicators of development, but we can look at various aspects of human development and poverty over time. As shown in the graphs accompanying this case, there have generally been improvements in the percentage of people with access to safe water, in the adult literacy rate, and in the percentage of underweight children under age 5. On this last indicator, the improvement in Sub-Saharan Africa is very small, but keep in mind that the rate of growth of real GNP per capita in this region has been just over 1% per year.

There is no guarantee that economic growth will improve the plight of the world’s poor—there is indeed wide variation in individual countries’ experiences. In general, though, economic growth makes most people, including most poor people, better off. As former World Bank Senior Vice President and Chief Economist Joseph Stiglitz put it, “Aggregate economic growth benefits most of the people most of the time; and it is usually associated with progress in other, social dimensions of development.”

Table 33.4
 

Periods of growth (88)

Periods of decline (7)

Indicator

Improved

Worsened

Improved

Worsened

Inequality

45

43

2

5

Income of the poor

77

11

2

5

 


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Source: World Development Indicators database, World Bank, revised October 17, 2006.

Sources: United Nations, Human Development Report, 1997 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 72, 224; Human Development Report, 1998 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 206; Joseph Stiglitz, “International Development: Is It Possible?” Foreign Policy 110 (Spring 1998): 138–51.
 

ANSWER TO TRY IT! PROBLEM

Economic growth refers to the process of increasing a country’s potential output. Graphically, this can be represented by rightward shifts in the long-run aggregate supply curve or by the shifting outward of the production possibilities curve. The challenge of economic development, however, is for countries to move toward their level of potential output and to achieve widely shared gains in GDP per capita.

This process usually involves widespread structural changes in the way people live—their standards of living, the kinds of jobs they have, their health, and so forth. When comparing Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea, for example, it is clear that the distribution of consumption is much more equal in the former. This implies that Côte d’Ivoire is coming closer to generating widely shared gains in per capita real GDP.

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